For those who read the daily newspaper and go straight to
the sports section, comics and obituaries, you may have paid little attention
to the recurring full-page public notices detailing the proposed amendments to
the Constitution of Pennsylvania. Who
can blame you? The print is tiny, and the legalistic writing style invites only
the most dedicated reader to struggle through the four joint resolutions. I will attempt to make some sense of the
recommendations.
The good news is that voters need not immediately concern
themselves with the proposed amendments before the November election. To amend
the Pennsylvania Constitution, resolutions must pass both chambers of the
legislature by simple majority in two consecutive legislative sessions. They are then submitted to voters on a
statewide ballot.
The present resolutions were passed in the July 2020
legislative session and must again pass in the 2020-2021 session. If this takes place, the governor has no veto
power, and the resolutions would appear on the November 2021 ballot.
The four
proposed resolutions are the brainchild of the Republican-led legislature and
may be summarized as follows:
• Limit a
governor’s disaster declaration to 21 days. Currently, those declarations last
90 days. It would allow the General Assembly to extend a disaster declaration
past the 21-day time-frame upon its expiration, but a governor would not be
permitted to declare a new state of emergency for the same reason without the
General Assembly’s consent.
• Clarify a
constitutional provision to allow the legislative branch to terminate or extend
a disaster declaration through a majority vote of both houses through a
concurrent resolution that would not require the governor to sign off on the
declaration.
• Provide
protection against racial or ethnic discrimination.
• Move to regional
(district) elections of Commonwealth Court, Superior Court judges and Supreme
Court justices, who currently are elected on a statewide basis. Lawmakers would
be in charge of drawing the judicial district regional boundaries. Judges would
be required to be residents of their respective districts for at least a year
of the district they represent.
The racial
equality amendment was only passed by Republicans after it became part of a
“two for one” resolution that also contained the disaster relief provisions.
Voters would not be able to vote for one without the other.
The implications
of the proposed constitutional amendments are profound. They seek to alter the
balance of power between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of
state government. The proposed “disaster declaration” amendment is a direct
political attack by Republicans on the manner in which Democratic Governor Tom
Wolf handled the public health issues surrounding the pandemic. The amendment
to alter how appellate judges are elected in Pennsylvania is a brazen
Republican attempt to gain additional political power through the judiciary.
Republican
lawmakers were frustrated with Governor Wolf’s public health restrictions in
refusing to open certain businesses in a manner consistent with some Republican
governors. The frustration was enhanced
when the State Supreme Court rejected the Republican lawsuit to end the
disaster declaration.
Because
Democrats now hold a majority on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, Republicans
cobbled together an unprecedented two-pronged attack on our constitution.
First, decrease executive powers long held by a governor. Second, make election
of appellate judges regional so that Republican rural areas with fewer voters
can elect their own jurists.
There is no doubt that the proposed Republican amendments
are political and are not intended to improve state government or the health
and welfare of Pennsylvania citizens. As the summer came to an end, Governor Wolf
was given high marks for using his executive powers in controlling the
pandemic. His approach in finding a “middle
ground” permitted the state to reopen businesses while controlling the spread. According
to the John Hopkins University Coronavirus Research Center, Pennsylvania was to
be commended for its steady decline in cases as more and more counties
reopened.
Concerning the proposal on the manner in which appellate
judges are elected, it is important to remember that in 1968 the judicial
system was completely overhauled as part of major revisions to the Pennsylvania
Constitution. Judicial gerrymandering to give more clout to rural counties in
the election of state-wide judicial positions was rejected. It was found to
disenfranchise voters by limiting their vote to one member of each court. Of the jurisdictions where voters elect statewide
judges, 18 out of 22 are elected in statewide contests.
There is some hope that when the proposed amendments come
before the legislature next year, the pandemic will be fading and there will be
less of a reason to hamstring the governor in a public health emergency. After all, the next governor may be a
Republican. In my view it is never a good idea to change Pennsylvania’s most
fundamental document for short-term political advantage. That is what elections are intended to
accomplish in a democratic political system.
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