The Conservative Supreme Court has been on my radar for some
time. A recent commentary on the subject by Dave Ball, published in this paper
on July 9, 2023, helped to solidify my thoughts. This rebuttal of Mr. Ball will
also serve as an overview of the consequential effects of Chief Justice John
Roberts’s Conservative Supreme Court on American society.
First, Mr. Ball argues that our highest court “follows the
law” and that those “liberals” that disagree with its opinions are “acting like
children” because the public policy that flows from the decisions is “not what
they wish for.” His conclusion ignores
the fact that many well-respected constitutional scholars argue that the
Supreme Court majority often did not follow established precedents or legal
theories in deciding recent cases.
Second, our founders created the Supreme Court because
Constitutional law is open to numerous interpretations. To characterize Supreme
Court controversies, as does Mr. Ball, as a debate between a higher standard of
“the law” on the one hand and petty “policy” favorable to an actor’s political
views on the other is an argument with little meaning.
Every monumental Supreme Court decision has winners and
losers on different sides of the political spectrum. The winners, whether from the
left or right, always claim good law and improved policy. Conversely, the losers claim bad law and worse
policy. As an example, the positions of both pro-choice and pro-life advocates
remain widely held, sincere, and politically important regardless of the status
of the constitutional law on abortion.
Third, I will rebut Mr. Ball’s support for two recent
Supreme Court decisions and his attack on court watchers who disagree. In the
opinion striking down affirmative action programs in college admissions, (Fair Admissions v. Harvard College) the dissent
argues that the decision improperly rolls back decades of precedent and
progress on diversity. Constitutional scholars also criticize the conservative
majority for adopting “a superficial rule of colorblindness as a constitutional
principle.”
Those conservatives praising the new decision on affirmative
action should remember that not long ago, one of their own, Justice Sandra Day
O’Connor disagreed. She wrote, “Student body diversity is a compelling state
interest that can justify the use of race in university admissions.”
Mr. Ball also attacks President Biden for his “vote-buying
plan” to cancel up to $400 billion in student loans to benefit as many as 43
million Americans. In fact, this executive action was taken to fulfill a
campaign pledge made by Biden to those with student loans during the 2020
election campaign. The President reasoned that if corporations and businesses
across the nation could receive over $760 billion in forgiveness loans during
the pandemic, students deserved similar forgiveness of their tuition debt.
The conservative Supreme Court ruled that Biden overstepped
his authority and vacated the executive order on student loans (Biden v. Nebraska.) There were cogent arguments on both sides of the issue,
and no one was shocked by this decision. However, for Mr. Ball to accuse Supreme
Court Justice Elena Kagan of showing no legal skill in writing her dissent is
ridiculous.
Even worse was Ball’s accusation that any attempt by the
President to continue to seek a solution to the student debt crisis would be a
“conspiracy to defraud the United States.” Ironically, such a solution was
announced last week when Biden’s
administration implemented a series of fixes to the student loan repayment
system that is expected to help more than 800,000 people with student debt.
In order to
understand how the era of Chief Justice John Roberts has transformed America,
one must step back for a broader view. Eighteen years ago, the Roberts era
began. His goals were to overturn Roe v. Wade, reinterpret the Second Amendment
to make private gun ownership a constitutional right, eliminate race-based
affirmative action, elevate the place of religion in the public square, and curb
federal agencies’ regulatory power. Every objective was achieved by the end of
the Supreme Court’s most recent term on June 30.
What can be
done to counter this trend and return the Supreme Court to a more moderate
center? Various ideas have been proposed starting with expanding the court. The
Supreme Court has had as few as five seats and as many as ten. However, if
Democrats seek to increase the number of liberal Justices by voting to increase
appointments, Republicans could retaliate with the same tactic.
Congress could
create an 18-year term limit for new appointments. Each President would eventually appoint two
Justices during a four-year administration.
Congress could mandate an independent bipartisan commission to nominate
fair-minded candidates for the Supreme Court.
Any reform would require action from a deeply divided Congress.
The
conservative members of the court are young and will be deciding controversial
appeals for decades. Powerful conservative movements will continue to seek cases
with favorable fact patterns to present to the activist majority. The goal is
to further ingrain white, Christian orthodoxy into constitutional law. For
progressives and many moderate court watchers, this conclusion is as
unavoidable as it is frightening.
Concerned
citizens do not need Dave Ball or others to rub salt in their wounds by
accusing them of acting immaturely when they disagree with the decisions of the
conservative court. The mission is now to develop legal “workarounds”, as Biden
took last week on student debt, to sidestep the latest rulings. Our democratic
constitutional republic expects nothing less.
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