Following each
national census, there is a process whereby
states redraw the boundaries of congressional and state legislative districts
to reflect population changes. This process, redistricting, provides the
opportunity to create maps that elect legislative bodies that fairly represent
the voters in a community. In the words of our second President John Adams, redistricting
creates an “exact portrait, a miniature” of the people as a
whole.
What
is gerrymandering? This derogatory term originated in 1812 from a political
cartoon mocking a strangely shaped voting district created by Massachusetts
Governor Elbridge Gerry. Gerry signed a bill that rearranged district lines to
benefit his political party. A reporter observed that one map in Essex County “looked
like a monster.” He combined "Gerry" with "salamander" to
create "Gerry-mander.”
Redistricting
was designed as a non-partisan, once-a -decade effort, to fairly redraw
congressional maps as populations change. The process becomes partisan
gerrymandering when political parties in control of state legislatures (usually
Republican) seek to rig congressional maps.
According
to the Brennan Center for Justice, “Although gerrymandering has long been a
problem in the United States, the redistricting cycle after the 2020 census was
the first since the Supreme Court’s 2019 ruling (Rucho v. Common Cause) that
says state gerrymandered maps cannot be challenged in federal court. Since
then, Americans have seen gerrymandering ramped up to unprecedented levels —
and the worst may be yet to come.”
Gerrymandering
procedures have changed dramatically since our founding. Today, computer
algorithms and detailed data about voters’ political preferences allow partisan
map-drawers to submit partisan districts with surgical precision. These laser-focused
computer-generated options can all but guarantee that a former competitive
district will now vote Republican.
The excellent
article published by the Brennan Center in August of 2025, Gerrymandering
Explained, summarizes how the practice adversely impacts democracy. First,
partisan gerrymandering is undemocratic. Political leaders choose voters instead of voters choosing elected
officials. Electoral outcomes are
virtually guaranteed by the creation of partisan maps. In extreme cases, the
party drawing the maps may even be able to win a majority of its state seats
even though it wins only a minority of the vote.
Second,
gerrymandering impacts the national balance of power. After the
2020 census, Republicans controlled the redistricting process in more states
than Democrats, and aggressively used this advantage. By Brennan Center’s
estimates, maps used in the 2024 election had on average a net 16 fewer
Democratic or Democratic-leaning districts than maps that complied with
anti-gerrymandering standards adopted in some states. Recent district maps in Texas, Florida, and North Carolina were
especially subject to abuse.
Third,
while gerrymandering affects all Americans, some of its most significant costs
are borne by communities of color. Targeting the
political power of minority communities is often a key goal of partisan
gerrymandering. Residential segregation and racially polarized voting patterns
in the southern states means that “packing” communities of color into Black
districts is an effective partisan tool. It ensures that white Republican
districts, with fewer Blacks, are created elsewhere in the state.
For decades, the
1965 Voting Rights Act was a hugely successful shield against schemes that
limit or dilute the voting power of communities with a history of being
marginalized. Over the years, the act has led to the election of hundreds of
federal, state, and local candidates of color in states with a history of
discrimination.
This all
changed in April, when the Supreme Court’s conservative majority struck down a
Louisiana congressional map that created a second majority-Black voting
district, calling it unconstitutional. (The case was permitted to be heard in
federal court because it was based on the act and not on state gerrymandering.)
This decision limits the ability to use
race as a factor to ensure minority representation. It allows for the erasure
of longstanding black congressional districts, particularly in the South.
This
“Louisiana Map Ruling” gutted important provisions in the Voting Rights Act and
reignited the gerrymandering wars. Republicans can now “pack” minority
districts with Black voters and eliminate competitive majority-minority
districts if it helps their party.
Immediately
after the ruling, Republican governors in Alabama and Tennessee called
lawmakers into special sessions to draw new congressional districts. Louisiana
Governor Jeff Landry suspended the already underway primary elections for house
seats to redraw congressional maps. Similar actions in South Carolina,
Virginia, and Florida are expected. More Republican states will enact more “gerrymanders.”
Their partisan efforts to control the House of Representatives will go further
than ever before.
In
another setback for Democrats, on May 8, the Virginia Supreme Court struck down a congressional map. The map, recently approved by voters, allowed
Democrats to gain as many as four House seats in the upcoming midterms.
What
does all this mean for Pennsylvania? Thankfully, our commonwealth will not take
part in the national rush to redraw congressional maps. For once, we are
“lucky” that Pennsylvania has divided government with a governor that does not
favor gerrymandering. In 2022, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court was forced to
step in and chose a representative congressional map after lawmakers
deadlocked.
Nationally,
gerrymandering in this 2026 midterm election year will reach historic levels of
disruption. It will be characterized by unprecedented "mid-decade" redrawing
of maps to gain partisan political control.
These
actions by Republicans to remain in power, ignore the preferences of voters and
prevent fair elections.
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