When it comes to racism and civil rights in America, hard
fought victories have often taken a turn for the worse. This backsliding has produced policies that
hamper the equal rights of African Americans. In 2026, the pattern has been
repeated, this time initiated by the Supreme Court.
First, some background on Reconstruction followed by the
period known as “Southern Redemption.” Redemption erased much of the civil
rights progress achieved after the Civil War.
Britannica summarizes the Reconstruction era (1865–1877) as groundbreaking
because “it redefined U.S. citizenship, rebuilt the fractured Union after the
Civil War, and attempted to create an interracial democracy. Reconstruction
permanently transformed the Constitution and the federal government's role in
protecting civil rights.”
The National Endowment for The Humanities tells us that, “by 1873, many white
Southerners were calling for ‘Redemption’ – the return of white supremacy and
the removal of rights for Blacks – and the end of Reconstruction. This
political pressure to return to the old order was often backed up by mob and
paramilitary violence… The South slipped back toward many of the patterns of
the antebellum era.”
The Jim Crow era in the South did
not formally end until the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown vs. Board of
Education in 1954 (making segregation in public schools unconstitutional), the
passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Together, these legal and legislative victories enforced the 14th and 15th
Amendments, stripping state and local governments of the legal authority to
enforce segregation. For the first time since 1865, the federal government
renewed its dedication to Reconstruction.
The Civil Rights Act outlawed racial segregation in public
accommodations (like theaters, restaurants, and hotels). It also banned
employment discrimination based on race.
The
Voting Rights Act struck down
discriminatory voting practices—such as literacy tests and poll taxes. These practices
had historically been used to disenfranchise Black citizens. Section 2 of the
Act permitted individuals to sue states for practices like drawing up unfair
voting districts.
On April 29,
2026 in Louisiana v. Callais, the six Republican-appointed members to
the Supreme Court rewrote the Voting Rights Act to eliminate protections it has
long secured for minority voters. The opinion makes it almost impossible for
minorities to challenge racially discriminatory voting maps.
To understand
the history of complicated constitutional issues and the importance of Supreme
Court rulings, my “go-to” source is often David Cole. Cole is a prominent legal scholar, author, and former
National Legal Director of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).
His works primarily focus on constitutional law, civil liberties, and criminal
justice. Cole writes often for the New Yorker and The New York Review
of Books.
In a recent article in the latter publication, Cole argues
that “the Supreme Court’s decision dealt a fatal blow to the Voting Rights Act.”
He believes that the court “adopted reasoning that Congress rejected more than
forty years ago.” The title of his article is The Second Redemption.
Cole gives us an excellent example of what the Voting Rights
Act was intended to avoid. “Imagine a state in which 20 percent of voters are
Black and there are ten congressional seats. If the legislature divides the pie
so that Black voters make up 20 percent of the voters in each district, none of
the candidates preferred by black voters would make it to Congress. White
voters would effectively choose 100 percent of the delegation.”
Cole is especially distressed because Congress had no role
in crippling this landmark legislation. There was no debate to determine
whether these voting rights should be repealed. In fact, Congress has
reauthorized the Act four times since its passage and only expanded, not
narrowed its scope.
The recent Supreme Court decision, authored by Justice
Alito, all but killed Reconstruction for a second time and supported a second Southern
Redemption. One third of Louisiana’s population is African American. Under the
2022 redistricting map, following the census, they were only able to elect one
sixth of the state’s congressional delegation. A federal court found that the
plaintiffs had a right to create a second Black-majority district, and the
state complied.
Justice Alito effectively overturned the interpretation the
Supreme Court has given the Voting Rights Act in nearly a dozen precedential
decisions over forty years. He has set up a new “test” in striking down the
second African American friendly voting district. Cole believes that “no one
will be able to satisfy the test.” According to Cole, our Supreme Court
majority apparently believes “Congress would be a better place with no Black
representation from the south, even from states with substantial Black
populations.”
What have been the ramifications of the Alito decision? Already,
four Southern States are rushing to redraw their maps to eliminate districts
with Black majorities before this year’s midterm elections. More will no doubt
do so before the 2028 presidential election.
Cole points out that “In the past, the Court has regularly
declined to grant last minute voting rights relief. It did not want to create uncertainty
too close to election day. But now the majority seems remarkably willing to
cause late-breaking confusion.”
Cole concludes “the future is bleak for both minority voters
and for democracy itself. The United States going forward will become even more
polarized than it is today.”
When it comes to civil rights in America, the battle is far
from over.