When one asks a native Cuban a
question about the state of affairs in their fascinating country, the answer is
invariably, “it’s complicated”. After
spending five days in Havana and being introduced to all aspects of Cuban
political, social, economic and artistic culture, I have come to believe that
this remark is an understatement.
Recently, 24 intrepid lawyers,
spouses and friends, interested in learning more about our neighbor off the
coast of Miami, took advantage of a whirl wind cultural exchange sponsored by
the Washington County Bar Association.
The tour was packed with lectures, diverse eating experiences, museums,
an art colony and music/dance ensembles.
By the end of the five days, many of the questions and misconceptions
surrounding this socialist island nation had been addressed. But no one would disagree that Cuba remains a
mystery wrapped in an enigma……and very complicated.
In talking to Cubans about
their history and place in the world, the generation gaps are even more
pronounced than in America. Those born
BC (before Castro) remember the inequality and corruption rampant in the
Batista regime. These older Cubans, now
in their 70s and 80s tend to favor the revolution despite the many
hardships. Cubans born AC (after Castro)
base their more pessimistic views on the Russian-Soviet withdrawal from the
island during in the 90s. This was a
period of extreme economic hardship when many believed Cuba’s socialist
experiment would not survive.
The even younger Cubans, now entering
adulthood, are less conscious of the advances in education, healthcare and
social equality achieved under socialism.
Many cannot wait to receive their excellent free education and seek to
leave the island. They are no doubt
influenced by the siren call of uncensored internet and accessible media
broadcasts from the U.S. mainland.
Another complication of Cuban
culture is the dichotomy between the significant advances Castro’s socialism
has achieved for the Cuban people, particularly those disadvantaged under the
previous regime, and the massive dysfunctions caused by the same system. On the one hand is the highest literacy rate
in Latin America that turns out some of the best engineers and physicians in
the world. On the other hand, there are
few employment opportunities in many segments of the economy. Professionals,
even in essential fields, are poorly paid.
With the increase in tourism, it is not uncommon for a private
restaurant owner or even a taxi driver with tips to earn more than a top
surgeon.
Free comprehensive health care
for all, with less infant mortality than the United States, is contrasted with little
access to high tech medical equipment, because of the embargo. (see Nicholas
Kristof NYT 1/18/19) As a result, every Cuban has some of the best basic
universal health care in the world, with no opportunity to be treated with
cutting edge procedures.
Housing in Cuba is
complicated. The homes of wealthy
citizens who left the island following the revolution were turned into multifamily
residences. Cubans were permitted to
purchase their living space from the government over a 15 year period. The good news is that most Cubans now own
their homes. The bad news is that
several generations of the same family often occupy the same space. Transfers
of real estate are difficult with the value on the deed much lower than the
market value. Non Cubans are not
permitted to own property which encourages very creative transactions with ex-pats
who seek to live on the island.
New infrastructure and
renovation of Cuban buildings has been nonexistent since the 1959 revolution. Havana, once the pride of the Caribbean and
Latin America, is now shabby at best.
Certain streets would not look out of place in the war torn Middle East.
The problem is complicated by the embargo which makes it difficult to import
building materials when other necessities are in high demand. Moreover, Cuban housing regulations do not
provide for maintaining common areas of residential buildings. Accordingly,
there is no incentive for owners in a building to repair stained facades,
crumbling steps, or dingy hallways. Lastly, new investment on the island is
going to build up the resort area, not Havana.
The Cuban citizens’
relationship with their country is complicated.
My observation is that many complain about socialism with its
dysfunctional economy, authoritarian government and stifling bureaucracy that
manages to “find a problem for every solution.”
At the same time, Cubans are strongly nationalistic and are well aware
that the violence and abject poverty found throughout Latin America does not
exist in Cuba.
Guns are not permitted, with
even long guns used for hunting in rural areas tightly controlled. Illegal drug
use is nominal with strict criminal penalties and there are no gangs of disillusioned
youth. Havana streets are among the
safest in the world.
One comes away from Cuba
amazed at the resourcefulness of the people in dealing with the many
complications. The fact that 60,000
American vintage cars are still on the streets of Havana, wowing tourists, is
itself a testimony to making the best of things. A “hybrid” vehicle is one that
is kept running from parts pirated from many makes and models.
For under $5.00 Cuban young
people can enjoy a romantic night on the town. This would include a movie
(prices are subsidized by the government) ice cream at one of the famous parlors
and a moon lit stroll down the Malecon, the five-mile sea walk that separates
Havana from the ocean.
Cubans have learned how to
circumvent the socialist system to get what they need in a variety of ways. Many have second and third sources of income
in addition to the low government wages.
When there is a crack in the monolithic socialist economy that permits a
small degree of private enterprise, restaurants, creative arts groups and small
businesses flourish. Families work around the slim pickings
on Cuban television by renting a black market video box full of current media,
streamed from the U.S. over the internet.
Part two of this commentary
will discuss the changing political environment in Cuba and the state of
Cuban-American relations.
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