When I decided to write a commentary on the two recent
national political conventions (RNC & DNC), my first thoughts turned to
1968 and Norman Mailer. In the summer of 1968, Mailer, the winner of two
Pulitzer Prizes and author of numerous best sellers, attended and reported on
both conventions. The Republicans were in Miami and, like this year, the
Democrats were in Chicago.
Initially on assignment for Harper’s magazine, Mailer’s observations were published as a
popular book, Miami and the Siege of
Chicago. I have read this short account several times, and it always brings
back the sense of fear and dread that permeated American politics in 1968. The Vietnam War was raging. Both Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert F.
Kennedy had just been assassinated. The RNC turned into a coronation for
Richard Nixon. The DNC in Chicago was a
maelstrom of political rage and police brutality.
According to
Wikipedia, the 1968 DNC was among the most confrontational in American history.
The early political battles within the convention hall concerned the seating of
delegates from five southern states and the party’s platform on Vietnam.
Three
candidates battled for the nomination after the pre-convention issues were
resolved. Hubert Humphrey was endorsed by then president Lyndon Johnson and won
on the first ballot. In second place was Eugene McCarthy, the peace candidate
who called for a disengagement from Vietnam. George McGovern picked up
delegates who had supported Robert Kennedy prior to his assassination.
Following the DNC, the Democratic Party was, like the country, deeply divided
and in complete disarray.
The 1968 DNC is
most remembered for what took place outside the convention hall on the streets
of Chicago. The Mayor of Chicago, Richard Daley, refused to accommodate
demonstrators from well over 100 anti-war groups. These demonstrators
clashed with 11,900 Chicago police, 7500 Army troops, 7500 Illinois National
Guardsmen, and 1000 Secret Service agents over 5 days. There were 589 arrests
with much of the violence captured on television.
One major
convention issue significantly changed the rules governing delegate selection.
Prior to 1968, white male party bosses in each state chose the delegates and
ignored Democrat voters. Following this convention, young reformers demanded a
move toward primaries where registered Democrats determined the presidential
delegates.
This year the
delegates who were pledged to President Joe Biden quickly moved to support Vice
President Kamala Harris after Biden withdrew from the race. Harris had not won
a single primary or caucus. Ironically, there was little debate and no disagreement
from the party faithful who viewed Donald Trump as the greater threat.
Unlike Norman Mailer, I did not have the advantage of
attending the recent conventions. My observations below are based on watching
the events on cable news and from reading filed reports from those who
attended.
In contrast to
1968, political conventions are now packaged for television with little
uncertainty or drama. Floor fights over candidates or policy positions are nonexistent.
Each political party puts on a show of unity, hoping to energize their base and
gain the attention of independent voters.
The conventions are scheduled during television “dead zones,” before or after
the Olympics, and before the beginning of football season.
This year’s RNC
appeared to focus on grabbing the attention of young white males. It was packed
full of entertainers and speakers who presented a masculine, aggressive image. Dana
White, the head of the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC), Hulk Hogan, and
Kid Rock introduced Trump as he took the stage on the last night of the RNC.
Trump
supporters were pumped up and prepared to march to victory. All signs were
favorable following the failed assassination attempt, dismissal of federal
charges on the Florida classified documents case, and Joe Biden’s steep drop in
the polls.
Few African
Americans attended the convention, but several were given the podium to preach
how Trump would save Black America. When J.D. Vance was nominated as Vice President,
he brought a brutal message of his personal evangelical survival to the table.
The theme of
victimhood permeated the RNC. Republican Governor Kristi Noem of South Dakota
shouted at the assembly, “They’ve attacked his reputation, impeached him, tried
to bankrupt him, and unjustly prosecuted him.”
Last week’s DNC
affair painted a contradictory picture of an inclusive America where everyone
should have a chance to achieve his or her best. Michelle Obama’s speech was a masterful
presentation of not only the political contrasts but also the moral contrasts
that face voters in November.
Observers who
have attended numerous conventions reported that the DNC energy level was the
highest they can remember. Clearly, Kamala Harris has brought new Democratic
Party enthusiasm to an election with dismal prospects before she was nominated.
How does the
state of the country today compare with 1968? While this year’s political
conventions were more sedate, the nation’s divisions are deeper and more
profound.
In 1968, our disagreements
focused on foreign policy surrounding Vietnam. As student protesters got older
and subsequent administrations left Vietnam, the tensions and disharmony melted
away. Conversely, in recent years, America’s divisions have devolved into
deeply rooted tribal politics and fundamental questions about the future of democracy.
When President
Lyndon Johnson called 1968 “The Nightmare Year,” our form of government was not
under threat domestically. America’s
2024 nightmare has a greater chance of turning into a reality before the
country can recover its footing and begin to heal.
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