Those of us who are not recent immigrants, seeking help from
federal agencies, supportive of Ukraine, investors, employed by a university, retail
shoppers, small business owners who rely on imports, or someone who cares about
the future of traditional American values, may not have yet been directly
affected by Trump’s first hundred days in office.
Congratulations if you have remained calm and not lost any
sleep since Trump’s inauguration. For the rest of us, the beginning of Trump’s
second term as president has been a nightmare brought to life. Going forward, I
would advise even the most dedicated of Trump supporters to pay attention.
Before the year is up, every American will know individuals close to them who
have been adversely impacted by one or more of Trump’s executive orders.
Trump’s first hundred days will go down in history as the
second most impactful beginning of a presidential administration. The first was
the period after Franklin Delano Roosevelt took office in March of 1933. The
Great Depression had caused a total national breakdown. Millions of Americans
lost everything. In what many historians have called the perfect match of man
and moment, Roosevelt’s political instincts and exuberant temperament cobbled
together the nation’s new social contract, including social security. Roosevelt
lifted the country, rebuilt lives, and later saved the world from fascism.
Trump’s first hundred days will be remembered by historians
for the unrelenting attempt of one man, surrounded by loyal yes-men, to
dismantle much of the public good that Roosevelt accomplished. Trump is
determined to create an authoritarian nation in his image. In addition, his
actions would return America to the 1900 tariff, protectionist, isolationist
world of President William McKinley.
To illustrate the damage in Trump’s first one hundred days,
commentators often prepare a long list of each illiberal action Trump has
taken. The problem with this approach is that if the reader is consumed by the
next outrage, you cannot look closely at the last one. Instead, I will focus on
only two debacles that have developed since Trump took office.
Abuse of the National
Emergencies Act. In 1976, Congress enacted the National Emergencies Act to
limit the circumstances under which a president could declare a national
emergency. The three Congressional safeguards included (1) expiration of an
emergency after one year, (2) the ability to pass a concurrent resolution to
terminate the emergency by legislative veto, and (3) a Congressional review of
any declared national emergencies every six months. Congress has not shown a
willingness to exercise any of these powers to limit Trump.
In
his first 100 days, the President has declared more national emergencies (nine) —
more aggressively — than any president in American history. Trump has
invoked national emergencies to impose world-wide exorbitant tariffs on trade, to accelerate energy
and mineral production, and to militarize federal lands at the southern
border. He has also invoked the wartime Alien Enemies Act of 1798, to deport
Venezuelan migrants who the administration claims are participating in an
“invasion” of the United States.
While the courts may eventually have the last word, much
damage has already been done. For the time being, the supposed supremacy of the
rule of law has been replaced by an authoritarian bully who has abused his
executive powers by declaring multiple “state of emergencies” as “exceptions”
that overrule established law. What we are witnessing is an out-of-control
ruler who decides what constitutes each legal exception, based on ideology, not
crises, and who then declares an unjustifiable emergency. More troubling, the
ACLU has warned that Trump is also considering invoking the Insurrection Act of
1807, in order to deploy National Guard troops on domestic soil without state
consent.
Termination of Arts
& Cultural Organizations. Under the false pretense of “waste, fraud,
and abuse,” the Trump administration is reorganizing or terminating many of the
most important federally funded arts and cultural organizations in America.
First, in what appeared to be a petty matter, but was far more sinister, Trump
installed himself as chair of the John F. Kennedy Center. Thirteen bipartisan
board members were fired and replaced by compliant ones.
This was followed by Trump executive orders against
Smithsonian Museums, designed to control the historical narrative of the United
States.
Next were budget proposals to eliminate the National
Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities. Trump wants
to cancel most of their existing grants and layoff a large portion of their
staffs. The budget cuts came after both organizations acquiesced to Trump’s
demands to restrict federal funding for “diversity, equity, and inclusion” or
“gender ideology.” As history has demonstrated, such institutional obedience
only leads to worse authoritarianism.
Trump is following the well-worn path of autocratic actors
around the world who censor cultural endeavors that promote ethnic diversity
and freedoms. In his mind, there can be only one cultural message of a nationalistic
creative expression that is both white and Christian. These actions have had a
chilling effect on local cultural organizations that traditionally receive
federal funding.
Most recently, on May 2, Trump took the next step and
announced he was ending federal funding for National Public Radio and the
Public Broadcasting System.
Underneath Trump’s inflammatory politics in skirting the law
on national emergencies and his attack on our cultural and arts organizations,
real people are being economically and emotionally damaged. We must help them
recover and then join them to fight back.
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