THE FOUR HORSEMEN OF DEMOCRACY’S APOCALYPSE

 

As I begin this commentary, there is an insurrection-taking place at the United States Capital. A riot has ensued following a speech by President Trump. He has urged his armed and surly supporters gathered in front of the White House to take matters into their own hands. The doors of the Capitol have been breached as tear gas fills the building. Guns have been drawn and blood has been spilled. The important, constitutionally mandated, deliberations of Congress to certify Joe Biden as our next president have been interrupted by violence. 

Civil order will be reestablished and the Biden inauguration will proceed on January 20, 2021. Nonetheless, American democracy has suffered its most disgraceful attack, both figuratively and literally, since the Civil War.

At this point, it is not helpful to simply express anger against Trump, a very troubled individual or even to place all blame on the self-serving sycophants who surround him, including some Republican members of Congress.  To condemn Trump and his supporters and then turn the page is to ignore the problem. The broader question is how did the beacon of light shining on American democracy come to such a dark moment?

Among the hundreds of books written to explain the recent turn toward illiberal and nativist tendencies in American politics, one stands out in offering an explanation. The authors, Suzanne Mettler and Robert Lieberman, indirectly predicted these shocking events of January 6, 2021, in their excellent analysis Four Threats: The Recurring Crisis of American Democracy.  They make the strong case that only by understanding the four threats and taking measures to address them will democracy be restored to its proper balance.

The authors label political polarization, conflict over who belongs in the political community, high and growing economic inequality and excessive executive power as what I will call “the four horseman of the democracy apocalypse.” They determined it is the confluence of these factors, rather than the disruptive Trump presidency alone, that has brought on our present crisis.  Moreover, the pandemic and the economic fallout it has precipitated deepened all four of the threats to democracy.

Horseman one: Political Polarization.  The authors give us the observation that in the 1950s polled Americans did not care whether their child married a member of the opposing political party.  In 2016 a majority of parents expressed a preference for a partisan son or daughter-in law.  As polarization gets worse, the “other” party becomes an existential threat to perceived core values. Violations of voting rights, civil rights and civil liberties become acceptable to preserve the “right” version of society.  As we have seen this day (January 6, 2021), the ultimate political polarization becomes the willingness to ignore democratic processes and stage a coup to upset an unpopular election.

Horseman two: Conflict Over Who Belongs in the Political Community.  This threat has always been present in some form in our pluralistic nation with deep divisions along lines of race, gender religion and ethnicity.  What is different in recent years has been the willingness of Republicans and the President to openly inflame these differences as a political strategy to unite a political coalition. On the left there has developed a counter mobilization of citizens who see no hope of compromise or consensus building.

The result is a divided political society where actors on both sides become convinced that to pursue their goals, the preservation of civility and democracy is not possible.  This is most evident among Trump supporters where citizens trust their insular communities that are the same and familiar and distrust diversity.

Horseman three:  High and Growing Economic Inequality.  The authors point out that “among the wealthy democracies in the world today, the United States is the most economically unequal.”  Since the 1970s the middle class has lost opportunities and wage growth.  Conversely, the well-off have experienced exploding income and wealth.  To the detriment of democracy, the wealthy have organized politically and, thanks to the Supreme Court, poured billions into political campaigns and causes to protect their interests.

Horseman four:  Excessive Executive Power.  This final threat has been developing over the course of the last 50 years only to be exploited to its fullest during the Trump presidency. At every turn, prior presidents have taken steps to expand their executive power relative to Congress and the courts. Trump was able to worsen this trend by using the vast power of the executive branch to attack his enemies, ignore the rule of law, roll back regulations and drive a deeper wedge into partisan America.  Moreover, Congress has failed to act as a proper check and balance on the powers of the presidency.

A careful review of American history led the authors to conclude that the United States has never faced all four threats at the same time.  They conclude that while our democracy has always been fragile, we have never faced a test of this magnitude.  They are optimistic that while deep structural changes to our democracy are difficult when all four threats are present, nothing stands in the way of our political leaders and citizens from making a concerted effort to preserve and restore democracy.

It is my view that the destabilizing events of January 6, 2021 may be the catalyst to return the ship of state to a positive course.  We may not get another wake-up call before it is too late.

WASHINGTON COUNTY AT THE CROSSROADS

Commissioner Nick Sherman recently published an op-ed explanation on the decision by the two Republican commissioners to purchase the Crossroads Center building for ten million dollars. In my view, his commentary was fraught with inaccuracies and omissions that requires a response. This review will discuss what I beleive Sherman either failed to discuss or outright got wrong.

First, for Commissioner Sherman to support a large real estate purchase when other options were available, while at the same time claiming, “we are not growing government”, is contradictory political babble. You cannot hold on to a Republican conservative ideology of “small government is better” while spending 10 million dollars on an alternative building to house county offices. Not even Donald Trump would try to pass this specious argument off as credible on his supporters.

Second, private and public entities across the country are attempting to downsize office leases and real estate purchase obligations until the pandemic has passed. No one knows what the new normal for commercial government office space in a post pandemic world will be.  Many workers may continue to work from home. This is a credible model for county employees who conduct business out of the office or who do not interact with the public.

Third, the timing of this large real estate expenditure (which will also involve additional costs for new carpeting, drapes and office furniture) was bad government.  The right move was to favor taxpayers in need over a new building. For example, rather than berate Governor Wolf for making difficult public health decisions that affect restaurants, Washington’s Republican majority could have provided financial aid to these establishments. In addition, by removing the Crossroads Center from the tax rolls, the Republican commissioners are reducing the City of Washington’s ability to collect revenue as it struggles to stay afloat during the pandemic. 

Fourth, while Sherman points out that Crossroads Center is in a convenient location, he does not discuss how the Republican commissioners arrived at the ten million dollar purchase price.  The only recent comparable real estate transaction I can recall was the sale of the Washington Trust Building in 2012. This complex of office space, retail establishments and a parking garage, directly across the street from the courthouse, sold for well under one million dollars. I find it incredulous that Crossroads Center can have a market value over ten times greater than the Trust Building.

Fifth, Sherman’s statement “the previous administration was delinquent in addressing structural damage and crumbling infrastructure” is not correct.  Several years ago, then Commissioner Harlan Shober, was tasked by his fellow commissioners with preparing a detailed analysis of Washington County’s space requirements and the cost of needed repairs to the Courthouse Square building. 

Commissioner Shober, utilizing his knowledge as a contractor, conducted an in-depth survey and presented several detailed proposals, including the purchase of the Crossroads Center. Shober determined that the leakage in the garage of Courthouse Square could be remedied at a reasonable cost.  Unlike the Republican commissioners, he never advocated that the existing building be torn down. He did recommend purchasing or renting Crossroads Center at a reasonable market value price and moving the cramped Children & Youth Services space in order to free up resources in Courthouse Square. Shober determined that 50% of Crossroads Center was leased at that time which would help offset the ongoing maintenance costs if the building were purchased.

Republican Commissioner Irey Vaughan was not willing to “make a difficult decision” before her election and took no action to approve either needed repairs or the accumulation of additional office space.  When the election was over and with Shober on his way out, Irey Vaughan, as chairperson of the Board of Commissioners, renewed her interest in Shober’s work product. This was followed by an expensive consulting report, which led to the purchase of Crossroads Center.  Clearly, the previous administration knew there was a problem and took steps to seek solutions at a lower cost to taxpayers.  Commissioner Sherman is simply the new cog in the wheel, not the white knight bringing “immediate attention” to the county’s resource requirements, as suggested in his op-ed.

Sixth, the enormous cost differences in repairing Courthouse Square, as determined by the Shober study and the later consulting firm are not adequately explained by Commissioner Sherman. Prior to tearing down a functional building, these cost discrepancies should have been clarified for county taxpayers. In addition, what is the cost to tear down Courthouse Square? How will the hole in the ground be re-purposed?

Lastly, Commissioner Sherman states “with the increased space the Crossroads Center affords, we will be able to accommodate and keep all current tenants.”  I have learned on good authority that there is 95,000 square feet of space in Courthouse square. With Crossroads Center half leased, give or take 72,000 square feet is available.  It would appear that tenants must be evicted in order to accommodate the move once Courthouse Square is torn down. With no ongoing private leases, the cost savings envisioned by Shober will disappear.

Ultimately, voters will perform their own analysis whether the purchase of Crossroads Center was prudent in the middle of a pandemic.   The “crossroad” for Washington County is not the increase in office space as suggested by Sherman, but rather the elimination of partisan hubris and misleading narratives from the public dialogue.

 

 

 

A PLAN FOR IMPROVING AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

There is good news for those looking for some non-partisan scholarly research on what is wrong with our American experiment in constitutional representative government along with recommendations on how to make needed repairs.  The American Academy of Arts & Sciences recently published a detailed report on democracy in America prepared by the Academy’s bipartisan Commission on the Practice of Democratic Citizenship.

For those unfamiliar with the Academy’s role in shaping important topics, John Adams and other Massachusetts residents founded the Academy in 1780. The original charter, never altered, was “to cultivate every art and science which may tend to advance the interest, honor, dignity, and happiness of a free, independent and virtuous people.” Over the years, the Academy has sponsored numerous initiatives to analyze and improve American democracy.  This most recent effort resulted in a “common purpose” report with the lofty goal of adapting the world’s oldest constitutional democracy to the twenty-first century.

The report deserves the full attention of every American who is fed-up with our ugly, partisan polarization and who would like to consider some alternatives. The Commission did its fact-finding in three main ways. It reviewed the existing quantitative data and literature on political and civic engagement and socioeconomic conditions; it consulted with numerous scholars and experts; and it held nearly fifty listening sessions in small towns, suburban areas, and some of the nation’s largest cities.  The commission found that 61% of Americans believe significant changes to the fundamental design and structure of government are needed to make it work in current times.

The final report identified 31 recommendations grouped among six categories called strategies. While the findings and proposed fixes will not all be universally accepted, they provide an excellent vehicle to jump-start the conversation. The report may be found at: https://www.amacad.org/ourcommonpurpose/report.  What follows is an overview of the proposals.

·      Strategy 1: Achieve Equality of Voice and Representation

Enlarge the House of Representatives to make it reflect state demographics. Introduce “ranked-choice voting” in federal and state elections. Support adoption of independent citizen redistricting commissions to reduce gerrymandering. Amend the Constitution to regulate election contributions. Pass “clean election laws” at all levels of government. Place 18 year term limits on Supreme Court justices.

·      Strategy 2:  Empower Voters

Give people more choices about where and when to vote. Change Election Day to Veterans Day when many people are off work. Establish same-day registration. Establish pre-registration for minors. Establish that voting becomes a requirement for every citizen. Establish voter orientation for new voters. Restore voting rights to the majority of citizens with felony convictions.

·      Strategy 3:  Ensure the Responsiveness of Government Institutions

 Adopt formats that would encourage participation in public hearings. Design mechanisms for the public to interact with elected officials.

·      Strategy 4:  Dramatically Expand Civic Bridging Capacity

Scale up social, civic and democratic infrastructure. Appropriate Congressional funds annually along the model of the National Endowment for Democracy.

·      Strategy 5:  Build Civic Information Architecture that Supports Common Purpose

Appoint a high-level working group to articulate and measure social media’s civic obligations. Place a tax on digital advertising with the tax proceeds used to support public media platforms at the state and local level, including investigative journalism. Develop regulations that would require for-profit digital platforms to support public media platforms. Require digital platforms to develop software that would permit researchers to measure and evaluate democratic engagement on social media.

·      Strategy 6:  Inspire a Culture of Commitment to American Constitutional Democracy and One Another

Establishment of one year of national civil service with expanded funding for service programs. Establish a national storytelling initiative designed to dovetail with the 250^th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.  Increase public and private funding to inform the public and encourage commitment to our constitutional democracy and to one another. Invest in civic education for all ages.

It is impossible to understand the depth and importance of this report without taking some time to digest not only the recommendations, but also the reasoning behind each proposal. Sadly, efforts of this ilk are often assigned to the dustbin of history because of the lack of politicaan elected official in his/her next campaign for office.

This result is not a foregone conclusion. The report was formulated by and written for concerned voters across America, not politicians. We need a substantial number of citizens to set aside our partisan differences. Each of us needs to read the report and incorporate it into our knowledge of what can be accomplished. We are then in a position to begin an honest discussion on the future of our democracy.

 

AN ANALYSIS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION RESULTS IN PENNSYLVANIA AND WASHINGTON COUNTY

 

When it comes to presidential elections, Pennsylvania has become a crucial swing state and 2020 was no exception. The presidential candidates, followed by the herds of media attending to them, spent more time in Pennsylvania in the waning weeks of the campaign than in any other state.

On the evening of the election, President Trump enjoyed a sizeable lead because his supporters tended to vote in person on Election Day and their votes were quickly tallied. Over the next several days as the more Democratic mail-in vote was counted Biden caught up and surpassed the Trump vote.  The final certified vote total gave Biden an advantage of 81,555.

Given the fact that Trump took Pennsylvania in 2016 by 44,000 votes, an analysis of the recent results are crucial to understanding what changes have taken place.  Fortunately, the Philadelphia Inquirer and other news outlets have performed a deep dive into the Commonwealth results. A local political action committee, “SWPA Moving Forward”, has done the same for Washington County and South Western Pennsylvania.

The Inquirer results (reprinted on the front page of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette) found that democracy is alive and well as voters in every single Pennsylvania County cast more votes this year than in 2016.  Highlighting this exceptional performance, voters cast 13% more presidential votes in 2020 with 64 out of 67 counties showing increases of more than 10%.

There were some interesting anomalies including the Philadelphia vote.  While Mr. Biden gained more total votes than did Obama or Clinton, President Trump’s improvement in Philadelphia over 2016 was his greatest gain of any Pennsylvania county.  The unexpected national shift of Hispanics for Trump played out on a smaller scale in Philadelphia. Moreover, many college students were not in the city to vote Democratic because of the pandemic.

In the Trump country of rural Pennsylvania, Biden often got a larger percentage of the vote than Hilary Clinton.  With the larger turnout, Trump actually received more net votes this year than in 2016.  There were only 10 counties where Trump increased both his percentage of the vote and his net vote.  Accordingly, rural Pennsylvania was a little less Republican this year.  However, because of the large turnout, Trump still received a boost from these counties.

As Democrats had hoped, the four Philadelphia suburban “collar” counties and Allegheny County powered Mr. Biden to victory in the Commonwealth.  There were also Democratic gains in the growing suburbs outside of Harrisburg and in the Lehigh Valley.

Biden’s “hometown advantage” of Scranton appears to have played a role in his win.  He finished with a 9,657 margin of victory in Lackawanna County where Scranton is the County Seat. In neighboring Republican Luzerne County he improved on Clinton’s 2016 vote totals.

Turning to South Western Pennsylvania, the best analysis I have read was prepared by “SWPA Moving Forward”.  Concerned citizens from Washington County formed this political action committee during the presidential campaign. Its mission was to promote pro-Biden public policy issues and to nurture future Democratic candidates in our section of the Commonwealth that is becoming more Republican. The group ran a series of positive, well received, fact based political ads during the campaign in support of Mr. Biden.

As was the trend elsewhere in the Commonwealth, the Biden vote increased over the Clinton vote because of the increased turnout.  In Washington County Biden received 45,151 votes, an increase of 8,829 over Clinton in 2016.  Biden’s increase in percentage of total votes cast increased to 38% from 35.8% in 2016. One could argue that the combined increased vote totals in Washington, Beaver, Westmoreland, Fayette and Greene Counties was a significant factor in his winning Pennsylvania.

Voter registration is becoming more Republican in Washington County.  At last count Republican registration increased from 39.84% to 44.29% of total registration; Democrats declined from 48.99% to 43.52%; and Independents increased from 11.16% to 12.18%.

What do political action committees like SWPA Moving Forward and other Democratic leaders need to accomplish to turn Washington County back to the Democratic fold?  In my view, there are four major tasks.  First, new candidates must be groomed that follow the template of Congressman Connor Lamb and West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin. These elected officials have won in Republican jurisdictions by developing an independent, moderate Democratic message that is fiscally conservative and socially liberal.

Second, I agree with the stated mission of SWPA Moving Forward that Democrats must “find ways to communicate our platform and values in a manner that connects to the electorate.” This would include knocking down the misstatements and outright lies promulgated by Pennsylvania’s Republican far right. On the proactive level Democrats must find common ground to simultaneously engage new voters while reengaging with older ones.

Third, now that Republicans have control of local government in Washington County, they need to be held accountable. Republicans unfairly attacked former Commissioner Harlan Shober to gain elected office and local Democrats must now return the favor.  For example, the electorate must be reminded that the two Republican Commissioners recently sanctioned the 10 million dollar purchase of an unneeded new building in the middle of a pandemic.

Lastly, local Democrats must use this moment of Trump negativism and Biden hope for the future to register as many new voters as possible.  Waiting for the next election before initiated voter registration would be a mistake.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SOME THINGS WE HAVE LEARNED DURING THE PANDEMIC

 

 The pandemic has brought on many challenges since it began disrupting our lives in March of this year.  As we move through the fall and into winter with the virus raging, the prospect of new vaccines finally offer some light at the end of the tunnel.

The pandemic has been nothing if not a learning experience, testing our endurance while giving us new insight into how we conduct our lives and socialize with each other.  Recently, I have been taking stock of opportunities lost and wisdom gained.

First, I will never again take for granted the small pleasures in swapping air with my fellow human beings.  I miss the face-to-face contact, the touching of an arm and hugging of a friend. I miss the satisfaction of being able to incorporate all my senses into understanding how the emotions and body language of another makes them who they are. Zoom is far from an adequate replacement. Emails are too brief, and phone calls lack the joy of in-person communication.

I miss the spray of spit from the actors at the Pittsburgh Public Theater, the crowds at the Washington and Pittsburgh symphonies and the warm faces of my colleagues at meetings and at the gym. I miss the bustling sounds of crowded restaurants.  I miss the summer and holiday blockbuster movies at the cinema.  I miss not being able to converse in public because my face is covered.

This year we have learned a great deal about how we warehouse the elderly in their golden years. Nursing homes became the first death traps when COVID-19 made its spring appearance.  These facilities were locked down like prisons, and residents were confined to their rooms with little interaction with family or other residents. 

We watched as a close friend in her nineties was able to remain in a small first floor condominium.  She communed with nature, tended to her plants, visited with masked friends and traveled around the community in her caregiver’s car.  Her quality of life was over the moon compared to family members locked down in care facilities over many months.  Clearly, our elderly infrastructure is inadequate, and home health care options need to become less expensive and more accessible.

The pandemic gave new meaning to the home being one’s castle. (Some would say a fortress.) My wife and I are both retired and spent much of the day at home before the pandemic. Nonetheless, the inability to travel abroad or to plan activities away from home forced us to gain new perspectives on our living environment.

Furniture was added and subtracted. The basement and closets were finally cleaned. Rooms were organized into new configurations. An old stereo system was updated via online shopping so that dusty vinyl records and old cassette tapes could be heard.  Bird watching and gardening took on new (even spiritual) importance. Our respective hobbies of reading and quilting achieved levels of importance never before imagined (twenty-seven books and three quilts at last count).

Not long before the pandemic struck, we snickered at Asians, encountered while traveling, all wearing masks as part of their everyday hygiene and personal protection. Now we purchase masks with impunity to match our outfits or to make a political statement. Masks pile up in the car, in our pockets and in the foyer. On Amazon, there are thousands of sites selling masks of every conceivable size, design and material. A product unknown to us in the spring has become the go to Christmas stocking stuffer.

Back in March, no one could have predicted that the Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Year holidays would be downgraded to simple stay at home affairs with little interaction among extended family or friends.  While the boisterous celebration is gone, there is now time to contemplate the meaning of each occasion.  More diets will be maintained, and less drunk driving will reduce carnage on the roadways.  Conversely, loneliness and isolation will foster more depression and, sadly, more suicide and domestic violence.

Globally, the pandemic has given us a warning and informed world leadership of proactive actions that must be taken to avoid the next disruptive event. More deadly viruses, global warming and the migration of large populations across borders are real and present dangers.  The virus has made it abundantly clear that these multinational problems require multinational cooperation, planning and solutions.

From all indications, the pandemic will be darkest in the coming months before it subsides.  The small inconveniences most of us face are far less significant than the death and consequences it has caused to society as a whole. During this holiday season, our thoughts should be with those less fortunate who must endure the virus under already pitiful circumstances.  Every act of kindness and gesture of charitable contribution will be the best gift to give and receive.

We should also be grateful and willing to reach deep to show how thankful we are for the millions of individuals who have made it possible to get us through these trying times.  Conservative journalist, Peggy Noonan, in her weekly Wall Street Journal column had an excellent idea.

Noonan proposed that all undocumented workers who risked his/her health and family safety to keep the country above water during the pandemic should be granted citizenship along with their immediate families. Such an act of appreciation and compassion would make us all proud.

 

 

 

 

 

 

TRUMPISM IS HERE TO STAY

 

Democratic strategists were wrong to assume that large numbers of voters would turn away from Trump in the 2020 election. Forty eight per cent of the electorate remains firmly behind the president. Trump’s brand of divisive politics, and his decision to ignore the greatest health threat to the country in 100 years did not prevent either his base or an additional four million new voters from producing an enthusiastic turnout. Trump’s message of white nationalism, pro-life evangelism, anti-socialism and anti-immigration lost no significant support over the course of four turbulent years in the White House.

Political scientists, sociologists, psychologists and historians have written dozens of books attempting to explain the Trump phenomena. In my view, few if any have gotten it right.  Of one thing I am certain, Trumpism will continue to play a role in American politics for years to come. My impressions of the man, the Republican Party and his supporters are the basis of this commentary.

If Trump holds true to form, he will turn his defeat into a platform of grievance and conspiracy in order to control the Republican Party, including an attempt to regain the presidency in four years.  He will claim through thousands of tweets that he never lost the election.  When he spoke on election night about the results being “a fraud on the American public”, he was addressing only his own voters. 

Remarkably, 70% of Republicans believe there was voting fraud despite the absence of any evidence.  This is but another example of the many topics where Trump has painted for his supporters a wide landscape of fear and paranoia based on outright lies.

Trump made no attempt to develop policy positions for his 2020 campaign.  To do so would be to admit that there were competing important issues for voters to consider. He wanted the election to be about him alone. He orchestrated the bluster and unmasked swagger of a leader who could defy death from the pandemic and return from the hospital stronger than ever.  This is not a man who will go quietly into the night.

The Republican Party is in an interesting dilemma.  Because of Trump’s wide ranging support, the Party will likely keep control of the Senate and has increased its number in the House. There is no reason for elected Republicans to abandon Trumpism.  There are many reasons for them to double down.

The last two presidential campaigns have unveiled astonishing factors concerning the electorate.  The increase in younger, brown and black demographics has not provided Democrats with the “over-the-moon” advantage that was anticipated.  Trump’s illiberal nativism has shown appeal across the political spectrum.

The last two elections have taught the Republican Party that it does not need to be the majority Party in order to stay in power.  Going forward the key to victory will be a combination of: 1) the Electoral College, 2) imbalances in the Senate because of the number of red states, 3) control of red statehouses with the ability to gerrymander congressional districts, 4) voter suppression and 5) control of the federal judiciary including the Supreme Court.

The most fascinating component of Trumpism is the voters who continue to support him. For four years, detractors dwelled on Trumps comments and on his personality which were considered well outside the limits of acceptable behavior. The takeaway of supporters was very different.  They saw a president who was tough, spoke his mind and stood up for them.

I have listened and read hundreds of comments by Trump supporters and reached several conclusions.  First, any single issue such as abortion, fracking, climate change, China and even mask wearing was enough to stay with or come to Trump. Second, many Americans remain distrustful of the federal bureaucracy often seen as an infringement on their liberty.  This is particularly true of small business owners who are struggling to remain viable during the pandemic and who fear increased regulations under the Democrats. 

Third, rural voters simply do not see the world through the same lens as urban voters. There is no diversity to consider where everyone is white in the mid-west farm country or where everyone is brown in southern Texas. Climate change and the Supreme Court are off their radar. They want food on the table with no health directives that impede their ability to work. Government experts of every persuasion from foreign policy to public health are viewed with the same distrust as the politicians who hired them.

Fourth, Fox News and conservative social media provide a powerful message of anti-Democratic Party propoganda that is impossible for rural America to avoid. Bogus claims of the Democratic Party’s turn toward socialism, leftist rioters and made-up attacks against religion are enough to keep Trump voters in line.

After the inauguration, Democrats will not be able to claim victory from a four-year nightmare or the return to the “American dream.”  At most the election was a wakeup call to the meaning of Trumpism and a clearer understanding of the threat it imposes to our polity.

The threat is an ironic one. Our president is a political opportunist, driven only by his own interests. He is not an ideologue.  Nevertheless, he has entrenched an illiberal, authoritarian culture into our democracy that is supported by almost half the electorate. Trumpism will not be easily uprooted when he leaves office.

 

AFTER THE ELECTION

 It is the Friday morning following the election. I now feel confident calling Joe Biden our next President, notwithstanding the frivolous legal challenges. America was on the ballot, and we won. Citizens have voted in greater numbers than at any time in our history despite the pandemic   It is time to consider our brighter prospects under a Joe Biden presidency.

The post-election slogan after the inauguration in January will quickly morph from “Make America Great Again” to “With All Americans Pulling Together, We Can Accomplish Anything.”  Regarding the pandemic there will be a national mask mandate under the new Biden administration backed by a media campaign asking all of us to buy in. Notwithstanding the inevitable lawsuits and complaints from libertarian-minded citizens that will follow, new infection numbers will drastically drop and many lives will be saved.

Americans will discover that with most of us abiding by this simple mandate and wearing masks that we can work, attend school and otherwise attain a new level of normalcy until a vaccine is perfected and disseminated.  We will wonder what took so long.

The Biden presidency will not begin its term by pandering to the progressive left of the Democratic Party. The new president’s agenda will be practical and not ideological, organized to repair the damage to our institutions. The immediate focus will be on undoing the politicization and dismantling of the federal bureaucracy.  The State Department, intelligence network, Justice Department and other agencies will encourage irreplaceable career civil servants who were fired or who left in disgust under Trump, to return to their posts.

Several progressives will find a place in the Biden administration.  So will several Republicans as President Biden seeks to bring a sense of nonpartisanship to his cabinet. Unfortunately, the transition of government will be hampered by an uncooperative Trump administration who will “burn the files” and overturn the furniture on the way out the door.

There will be important policy initiatives in the first 100 days, unfortunately hampered by a razor thin Republican Senate.  First, assuming no stimulus relief during the lame duck Congress, Biden will negotiate a sizeable package with the Senate. Second, Biden will use an executive order to protect the millions of Mexican/Latin American “dreamers” from deportation. Third, the new president will roll back most of the offensive Trump executive orders.

Several major policy positions rolled out by Biden during the campaign will be placed on hold.  These include efforts to improve on Obama Care by giving Americans a new choice in the form of a public health insurance option, similar to Medicare.  In addition, revisions to the ill-advised Trump tax cuts for the wealthy will be postponed and the “green new deal” is off the table.  Hopefully these initiatives will be renewed after the mid-terms when the Senate can be turned Democratic.   

Several presidential commissions on the most pressing issues of the post Trump era will be empaneled to advise Biden on future policy.  These will include collaborative policing methods between urban communities and law enforcement; the composition and jurisdiction of the federal courts; as well as America’s response to climate change.

President Biden has learned that Trump supporters have legitimate concerns that must be addressed. He will minimize regulations that hamper small businesses struggling to return after the pandemic.  He will seek to lower unemployment in the rust belt by tying new jobs in these areas to new infrastructure projects.  He will remain tough on China trade policy until fair balances are achieved. 

President Biden’s most important cabinet choice will be Secretary of State. Our foreign policy is in shambles.  Both friend and foe have been left with misunderstandings and uncertainties concerning the international role of the most powerful nation in the world.

At the top of the list to repair relations will be the European Union, Japan, South Korea and Latin America. Back door channels will be open with North Korea and Iran to make clear the policy of the new administration.  Other illiberal and authoritarian regimes will receive the message that liberal democracy is alive and well in Washington and that human rights abuses will not be tolerated.

Globalization will make a comeback with respect to the United States participation in international forums, but much less so in connection with supply chains and trade. President Trump’s efforts to end participation in international institutions will be reversed. President Biden will renew ties with those international organizations governing climate, health and human rights. He will also revisit canceled multination agreements and arms control with Russia. 

On the other hand, the pandemic has taught Biden a valuable lesson regarding international supply chains.  He will implement policies that will never again leave America short of valuable supplies and medicines. He will insure that national stockpiles are kept full and that manufacturing essential to national security is either domestic or close to home.

The days of the ill-advised, out-of-date border wall are over. Security at the border will be enhanced through new technologies that provide the border patrol with real time information.  Moreover, Biden’s foreign policy team is aware that improving the economic and social conditions in Central America will reduce the flow of immigrants seeking asylum.

The greatest impediment to all of the above is the Republican Senate, and Donald Trump hangover as he profusely tweets angry rants from Southern Florida.  The Biden administration should be prepared to shut out the noise and get to work.